The effects of zircon mining in Senegal: the case of Grandes Cotes Operations

The effects of zircon mining in Senegal: the case of Grandes Cotes Operations

In 2014, after 3 years of planning and construction, the mining company Grande Côte Opérations, also known as GCO, was finally ready to start its new project: extracting zircon out of the Senegalese northwest coastline. With this project came many sacrifices and compromises deemed necessary, but also promises of compensation and revenues for the local populations. Ten years later, the local population feels betrayed, the environment is destroyed, and people are losing hope for an eventual fair payback.

            In order to get a better understanding of the situation and its implications, it is important to go about the original plan before talking about its consequences. Zircon, also known as zirconium, is used in various fields for its capacity to withstand extremely high temperatures and its overall resistance. It can be used in ceramics, but its main use is in industries with higher stakes, such as medicine or nuclear energy, thus explaining the high demand for the product (IAEA, 2023). Senegal is considered to have the third-largest zircon deposit in the world, making it a desired land for exploitation. And while Senegal has huge amounts of zircon, they are not centralised but rather are spread out on the coastline, mixed with sand (Jeune Afrique, 2014). This is why the GCO, owned at ninety per cent by the French company Eramet, with the remaining ten per cent belonging to the Senegalese state, started building in 2011 a mobile factory able to extract zircon and other minerals from the sand. During the 3 years of construction, the company planned the itinerary of the processing plant, in accordance with the government, with little care for the impacts on what was originally in that area. In the planning, GCO promised compensation for all of those whose conditions would be negatively affected by this project, and justified this project with the promise of economic growth for the country and the redistribution of part of the benefits. After a decade, what are the results?

Zircon mining in Senegal, ten years in the making: where do we stand

A first concern about this project is who benefits from it. Eramet and the Senegalese authorities both state that GCO and its mining project are good for the Senegalese economy, boosting its exports, employing locals and overall improving their situation (Eramet). But when we look at the picture, we see a predominantly French company exploiting resources in Senegal at the expense of the local population, and mainly selling it to Western developed countries, with Italy and Spain as the main consumers of Senegalese zircon (The Observatory of Economic Complexity, 2023). Seen this way, the project seems completely different, and further engrains Senegal in a neo-colonial relationship with developed countries. This follows Wallerstein’s World-systems theory, claiming the core, Europe in this case, entertains a dependency relationship with its periphery, Senegal, never allowing it to be fully independent and autonomous. The core limits the periphery’s development, while benefiting from its cheap labour and resources (Wallerstein, 1992). And while zircon exports are indeed beneficial to the Senegalese economy, Eramet’s ownership of GCO poses a problem for the development of the country. But moving away from this large-scale overview, what are the implications of this project on local populations and their environment?

Social consequences…

Since it has started, the factory has travelled for more than 100 kilometres along the Northwest Senegalese coastline. Every day for the last 10 years, it advances by 30 meters continuously, combing through sand and sorting it out in order to find zircon, but also other materials like ilmenite (Eramet). As previously written, the itinerary was decided between 2011 and 2013, putting economics and revenues as a priority over anything else. This means that anything considered an obstacle was removed without a choice from the other party. Some villages like Fott were entirely displaced by GCO, to preserve the original itinerary of the mobile plant. GCO stated: “The relocation and community segment accounts for 14% of our current expenses, making it the third largest expenditure after energy and payroll.” (Le Monde, 2023) in an attempt to show its care for local populations and the idea that this project benefits the local population first. But the reality is thatthe villagers were all offered relocation and housing, but of mediocre quality: houses too small to host families, infertile land preventing them from farming, geographical isolation and limited access to water. Most of those families lost their primary source of income in the displacement, but have no choice but to accept because of their financial situation (TV5 Monde). 10 years later, the situation has not changed, and the local populations have become expressive about it. Different manifestations occurred against the project, but mostly against the treatment they received. In addition to the poor compensation and relocation, the villagers of Fott were accusing GCO of splitting families during the displacement and disrespecting their land and ancestry. The process of mining zircon and the other minerals goes by first flooding the land exploited, and in doing so, sacred land and places were destroyed, including cemeteries (TV5 Monde). GCO, through the dislocation of villages, contributed to cultural destruction, lack of economic revenue, but also isolation for many people from the region of Tivaouane, but keeps denying all accusations.

… of an environmental disaster plan

Another obvious consequence of the project is environmental destruction, which in itself is already terrible, but it leads to a decrease in economic activity in various sectors for the local population as well (Le Monde, 2023). Before the mobile factory comes, trees are destroyed to prepare for its arrival, destroying the area’s ecosystem. Then, the flooding happens, and the sand sorting. Once the processing plant has passed, what remains is a dry land that has become infertile. Many local farmers got their land taken in exchange for compensation, sometimes inferior to the revenue of one year’s crop and received soilless land in which they are unable to grow anything for the following years (TV5 Monde). The destruction of the ecosystem and degradation of land fertility are not the only environmental impacts of the GCO, as the company also disrupts irrigation systems and water access in the region. Again affecting the local population suffering from the dry wells, but especially the farmers of the area. This has broader implications, as 80% of Senegal’s vegetables are produced in the region. Finally, the decision that stirred up the most reaction out of the Senegalese population was bringing the mobile factory to the Lompoul Desert. This Senegalese natural landmark made its region live through tourism, but in 2023, GCO flooded part of that desert in order to continue the mining project. Not only did it destroy the ecosystem, but it also ruined the economy revolving around the Lompoul desert. Several businesses had to close, and some were compensated monetarily with an amount way inferior to their financial losses, but most were not compensated as they are around the desert and not inside of it. And those who did not shut down saw their activity severely decrease, as tourists are becoming scarcer in the area since the project has reached it.

GCO has admitted to the negative environmental consequences of the project and has started a campaign of rehabilitation for the damaged areas. Trees are being planted, and the soil is being brought back into the ground to make it fertile again. GCO constantly tries to show its implication and care for the condition of the environment and locals, through its intent to bring the ecosystem back to life after the factory has passed, through the significant relocation budget, through its 2000 local employees or through their statement that 120 million euros are getting back to Senegal (Eramet). Of course, these are positive things, but at the same time, they are nowhere near enough. Their policy of environmental rehabilitation is good and appears to be effective, but it does not account for the many years of dry and infertile land. The same applies to their attempts at relocation and monetary compensation. While GCO brags about its work for the local population, what should be the bare minimum is not even respected. Most of the compensation was unfair and exploitative, and as written earlier, the relocation had disastrous impacts on the villagers who are yet to see the supposedly positive impact of this project on Senegal.

Some new measures could be put into place to benefit the population as well as the company. For example, the Senegalese state should strive to reach a more equitable contract with Eramet, each having equal shares of Grandes Côtes Operations, rather than the 90/10 situation there currently is. To prevent unfair compensation, local populations should discuss it with GCO, rather than the company taking action on its own, with the security of the Senegalese state backing it. Finally, to make sure the project benefits the local populations and the Senegalese state as it was advertised, part of GCO’s revenues could go directly into Senegalese public infrastructures, like hospitals and roads. This way, we would be sure of the redistribution for the benefit of the population.

            In conclusion, zircon mining in Senegal further reinforces the core-periphery relationship between Senegal and Europe, and overall temporarily sacrifices local populations and the environment in favour of the country’s economy. The economic feedback of the project is consequential for the country, but it does not necessarily justify the costs. There is a clear attempt from GCO to do better, but there still remains huge room for improvement, and the Senegalese population will keep on trying to make it understood. But Grandes Côtes Operations is not an isolated case, as many international companies want a share of Senegalese zircon, leaving the population as an afterthought.

References:

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